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The Crucible (Penguin Plays), by Arthur Miller

The enduring classic drama of the Salem witch trials was inspired by the political witch-hunting activities of Senator Joseph McCarthy in the '50s. Though set in the 17th century, "The Crucible" presents issues still gnawing at modern society.

  • Sales Rank: #559000 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: Perfection Learning
  • Published on: 2008-09-15
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 7.60" h x .60" w x 5.10" l, .45 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 152 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

About the Author
Arthur Miller (1915–2005) was born in New York City and studied at the University of Michigan. His remarkable creative output includes plays, fiction, memoir, and screenplays. Among other honors, he received the Pulitzer Prize for Drama and the John F. Kennedy Lifetime Achievement Award.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

THE CRUCIBLE

ARTHUR MILLER was born in New York City in 1915 and studied at the University of Michigan. His plays include All My Sons (1947), Death of a Salesman (1949), The Crucible (1953), A View from the Bridge and A Memory of Two Mondays (1955), After the Fall (1964), Incident at Vichy (1965), The Price (1968), The Creation of the World and Other Business (1972), and The American Clock (1980). He has also written two novels, Focus (1945) and The Misfits, which was filmed in 1960, and the text for In Russia (1969), In the Country (1977), and Chinese Encounters (1979), three books of photographs by Inge Morath. His most recent works include a memoir, Timebends (1987), the plays The Ride Down Mt. Morgan (1991), The Last Yankee (1993), Broken Glass (1994), and Mr. Peters’ Connections (1999), Echoes Down the Corridor: Collected Essays, 1944-2000, and On Politics and the Art of Acting (2001). He has twice won the New York Drama Critics Circle Award, and in 1949 he was awarded the Pulitzer Prize.

 

CHRISTOPHER BIGSBY has published more than twenty books on British and American culture. His works include studies of African-American writing, American theater, English drama, and popular culture. He is the author of two novels, Hester and Pearl, and he has written plays for radio and television. He is also a regular broadcaster for the BBC. He is currently professor of American Studies at the University of East Anglia, in Norwich, England.

BY ARTHUR MILLER

DRAMA
The Golden Years
The Man Who Had All the Luck
All My Sons
Death of a Salesman
An Enemy of the People (adaptation of a play by Ibsen)
The Crucible
A View from the Bridge
After the Fall
Incident at Vichy
The Price
The American Clock
The Creation of the World and Other Business
The Archbishop’s Ceiling
The Ride Down Mt. Morgan
Broken Glass
Mr. Peters’ Connections

 

ONE-ACT PLAYS
A View from the Bridge, one act version, with A Memory of Two Mondays
Elegy for a Lady (in Two-Way Mirror)
Some Kind of Love Story (in Two-Way Mirror)
I Can’t Remember Anything (in Danger: Memory!)
Clara (in Danger: Memory!)
The Last Yankee

 

OTHER WORKS
Situation Normal
The Misfits (a cinema novel)
Focus (a novel)
I Don’t Need You Anymore (short stories)
In the Country (reportage with Inge Morath photographs)
Chinese Encounters (reportage with Inge Morath photographs)
In Russia (reportage with Inge Morath photographs)
Salesman in Beijing (a memoir)
Timebends (autobiography)
Homely Girl, A Life (novella)
Echoes Down the Corridor (essays)
On Politics and the Art of Acting

 

COLLECTIONS
Arthur Miller’s Collected Plays (Volumes I and II)
The Portable Arthur Miller
The Theater Essays of Arthur Miller (Robert Marin, editor)

 

VIKING CRITICAL LIBRARY EDITIONS
Death of a Salesman (edited by Gerald Weales)
The Crucible (edited by Gerald Weales)

 

TELEVISION WORKS
Playing for Time

 

SCREENPLAYS
The Misfits
Everybody Wins
The Crucible

Table of Contents

Cover

About the Authors

Also by Arthur Miller

Title Page

Copyright Page

Introduction

A Note on the Historical Accuracy of This Play

 

ACT ONE - (AN OVERTURE)

ACT TWO

ACT THREE

ACT FOUR

 

ECHOES DOWN THE CORRIDOR

THE CRUCIBLE

APPENDIX - ACT Two, SCENE 2

INTRODUCTION

In 1692 nineteen men and women and two dogs were convicted and hanged for witchcraft in a small village in eastern Massachusetts. By the standards of our own time, if not of that, it was a minor event, a spasm of judicial violence that was concluded within a matter of months. The bodies were buried in shallow graves or not at all, as a further indication that the convicted had not only forfeited participation in the community of man in this life, but in the community of saints in the next. Just how shallow those graves were, however, is evident from the fact that the people buried there were not eradicated from history: their names remain with us to this day, not least because of Arthur Miller, for whom past events and present realities have always been pressed together by a moral logic. In his hands the ghosts of those who died have proved real enough even if the witches they were presumed to be were little more than fantasies conjured by a mixture of fear, ambition, frustration, jealousy, and perverted pride.

In 1957 the Massachusetts General Court passed a resolution stating that “No disgrace or cause for distress” attached itself to the descendants of those indicted, tried, and sentenced. Declaring the proceedings to be “the result of popular hysterical fear of the Devil,” the resolution noted that “more civilized laws” had superseded those under which the accused had been tried. It did not, however, include by name all those who had suffered, and it was not until 1992 that the omissions were rectified in a further resolution of the court. It had taken exactly three hundred years for the state to acknowledge its responsibility for all those who died.

This was the long-delayed end of a story whose beginnings lay in the woods that surrounded the village of Salem when, in 1692, a number of young girls were discovered, with a West Indian slave called Tituba, dancing and playing at conjuring. To deflect punishment from themselves they accused others, and those who listened, themselves insecure in their authority, acquiesced, partly because it served their interests to do so and partly because they inhabited a world in which witchcraft formed a part of their cosmology. Their universe was absolute, lacking in ambivalence. There was only one text to consult, and that text reserved only one fate for witches.

Why should it have taken so long to acknowledge error? More significantly, why offer apology at all for an event so long in the past? Perhaps because the needs of justice and the necessity for sustaining the authority of the court have not always been coincident and because there will always be those who defend the latter, believing that by doing so they sustain the possibility of the former. Perhaps because there are those who believe that authority is all of a piece and that to challenge it anywhere is to threaten it everywhere.

It was not the first such apology. In 1711 the governor of Massachusetts, acting on behalf of the general court of the province, set his hand to a reversal of attainder that offered restitution for this miscarriage of justice. In particular he granted one hundred and fifty pounds damages to John and Elizabeth Proctor. Elizabeth had survived, by virtue of the child she carried. Her husband was not so lucky; he was executed on August 19, 1692. His accusers were young girls, barely on the verge of puberty. Perversely, damages were paid not only to the victims but also to such people as William Good, who was his wife’s accuser, and Abigail Hobbs, a “confessed witch” who became a hostile witness. The affair, it seemed, was to be treated as a general calamity from which all suffered and in which the state was essentially innocent. Indeed the incident was ascribed to “The Influence and Energy of the Evil Spirits so great at that time,” a time that, despite the declared purpose of the document, was described as being “Infested with a horrible Witchcraft.”

Arthur Miller first encountered the story of Salem and its witches while a student at the University of Michigan. It stayed in his mind, but only as one of those mysterious incidents from a past separated from us by more than time: “It never occurred to me that I would ever deal with it ... because I had never formulated an aesthetic idea of this tragedy.” Then, in 1949, he came upon a new book about the trials, by Marion Starkey, called The Devil in Massachusetts.

Not the least fascinating aspect of the book lay in the fact that the author recognized the dramatic potential of the events. Claiming to have tried to “uncover the classic dramatic form of the story itself” Starkey insisted that “here is real Greek tragedy,” with “a beginning, a middle and an end.” Interestingly, in the notebook Arthur Miller started at this time, he noted that “It must be ‘tragic’” and, when The Crucible opened in New York, in 1953, he remarked, “Salem is one of the few dramas in history with a beginning, a middle and an end.”

Starkey recognized, too, a truth that has always lain at the center of Miller’s own approach to theater and the public world it shadows:

The human reality of what happens to millions is only for God to grasp; but what happens to individuals is another matter and within the range of mortal understanding. The Salem story has the virtue of being a highly individualized affair. Witches in the abstract were not hanged in Salem; but one by one were brought to the gallows such diverse personalities as a decent grandmother grown too hard of hearing to understand a crucial question from the jurors, a rakish, pipe-smoking female tramp, a plain farmer who thought only to save his wife from molestation, a lame old man whose toothless gums did not deny expression to a very salty vocabulary.... And after you have studied their lives faithfully, a remarkable thing happens; you discover that if you really know the few, you are on your way to understanding the millions. By grasping the local, the parochial even, it is possible to make a beginning at understanding the universal.

Starkey also acknowledged the wider implications of Salem, implications Miller would choose to amplify. For the witch hunt was scarcely a product only of the distant past. “It has been revived,” Starkey insisted, “on a colossal scale by replacing the medieval idea of malefic witchcraft by a pseudo-scientific concept like ‘race,’ ‘nationality’ and by substituting for theological dissension a whole complex of warring ideologies. Accordingly the story of 1692 is of far more than antiquarian interest; it is an allegory of our times.”

It was as an allegory of our times that Miller seized upon it, and though it was to be the McCarthyite witch-hunts of the House Un-American Activities Committee that seemed to offer the most direct parallel, he, like Starkey, recognized other parallels, in a war then only four years behind them, for the Nazis, too, had their demons and deployed a systematic pseudo-science to identify those they regarded as tainted and impure.

But for the moment it was the domestic danger that commanded Miller’s imagination. It was “the maturation of the hysteria at the time which pulled the trigger; without the latter I’d never have launched.” As he remarked at the time, to his friend and colleague Elia Kazan, director of All My Sons and Death of a Salesman, the Salem trials offered a persuasive parallel: “It’s all here... every scene.” And certainly Miller’s own account suggests that what had once struck him as an impenetrable mystery had now begun to make psychological and social sense. As he has explained in his autobiography,

At first I rejected the idea of a play on the subject.... But gradually, over weeks, a living connection between myself and Salem, and between Salem and Washington, was made in my mind—for whatever else they might be, I saw that the hearings in Washington were profoundly and even avowedly ritualistic. ... The main point of the hearings, precisely as in seventeenth-century Salem, was that the accused make public confession, damn his confederates as well as his Devil master, and guarantee his sterling new allegiance by breaking disgusting old vows-whereupon he was let loose to rejoin the society of extremely decent people. In other words, the same spiritual nugget lay folded within both procedures-an act of contrition done not in solemn privacy but out in the public air.

Molly Kazan objected, feeling that the parallel was a false one, since witches manifestly did not exist, but Communists did. It was an objection later echoed by others, but not one accepted by Miller. For, as he has pointed out, not only was Tituba in all probability practicing voodoo on that night in 1692, but witchcraft was accepted as a fact by virtually every secular and religious authority. To that end he quotes the eighteenth-century British jurist Sir William Blackstone as insisting that it “is a truth to which every nation in the world hath in its turn borne testimony,” and John Wesley, founder of Methodism, as stating, “The giving up of witchcraft is, in effect, giving up the Bible.” Indeed, by the end of the seventeenth century an estimated two hundred thousand people worldwide had been executed as witches. The question is not the reality of witches but the power of authority to define the nature of the real, and the desire, on the part of individuals and the state, to identify those whose purging will relieve a sense of anxiety and guilt. What lay behind the procedures of both witch trial and political hearing was a familiar American need to assert a recoverable innocence even if the only guarantee of such innocence lay in the displacement of guilt onto others. To sustain the integrity of their own names, the accused were invited to offer the names of others, even though to do so would be to make them complicit in procedures they despised and hence to damage their sense of themselves. And here is the root of a theme that connects virtually all of Miller’s plays: betrayal, of the self no less than of others.

Nor was the parallel a product of Miller’s fanciful imagination. In 1948 Congressman George A. Dondero, in the House debate on the Mundt-Nixon bill, to “protect the United States against Un-American and subversive activities,” observed that “the world is dividing into two camps, freedom versus Communism, Christian civilization versus paganism.” More directly Judge Irving Kaufman, who presided over the Rosenberg espionage trial in 1951, accused those before him of “diabolical conspiracy” and “denial of God.” Interestingly, on the night the Rosenbergs were executed, the cast and audience of The Crucible stood in silence as a gesture of respect.

The past had attractions for Miller because a rational analysis and dramatic presentation of the political realities of early-fifties America presented problems. He has said,

The reason I think that I moved in that direction was that it was simply impossible any longer to discuss what was happening to us in contemporary terms. There had to be some distance, given the phenomena. We were all going slightly crazy trying to be honest and trying to see straight and trying to be safe. Sometimes there are conflicts in these three urges. I had known this story since my college years and I’d never understood why it was so attractive to me. Now it suddenly made sense. It seemed to me that the hysteria in Salem had a certain inner procedure or several which we were duplicating once again, and that perhaps by revealing the nature of that procedure some light could be thrown on what we were doing to ourselves. And that’s how that play came to be.

The hostility of the Kazans toward the project came from Elia Kazan’s decision to be a cooperative witness before the Committee and thus to identify by name those who, in his judgment, had been members of the Communist party in the 1930s. By a strange irony Miller was returning from Salem, where he had been researching the play, when he heard on his car radio news of Kazan’s testimony before the Committee. Kazan had offered names: Harry Elion, John Bonn, Alice Evans, Anne Howe. He was the first of a number of Miller’s colleagues and friends to capitulate to the Committee’s demands and blandishments. The following month Miller’s role model, the radical playwright Clifford Odets, also named names; in June of the following year, six months after The Crucible opened, so did Lee J. Cobb, who originated the role of Willy Loman on Broadway. They did so partly out of fear for their careers—uncooperative witnesses would almost inevitably find themselves dismissed from their jobs-and partly because they genuinely felt guilty about the naïveté of their earlier commitments. The Committee thus offered what religion offers: the opportunity for confession and the grace of redemption.

The irony lay not only in the fact that in doing so they replicated the processes of the 1692 trials, where the children cried out against Sarah Good, Bridget Bishop, George Jacobs, Martha Bellows, Alice Barrow, but that in Miller’s plays there usually comes a moment when the central character cries out his own name, determined to invest it with meaning and integrity. Almost invariably this moment occurs when he is on the point of betraying himself and others. A climactic scene in The Crucible comes when John Proctor, on the point of trading his integrity for his life, finally refuses to pay the price, which is to offer the names of others to buy his life. “I like not to spoil their names. ... I speak my own sins; I cannot judge another. I have no tongue for it.” He thus recovers his own name by refusing to name others: “... now I do think I see some shred of goodness in John Proctor.” Three years later, Miller himself was called before the Committee. His reply, when asked to betray others, was a virtual paraphrase of the one offered by Proctor. He announced, “I am trying to, and I will, protect my sense of myself. I could not use the name of another person and bring trouble on him.” Asked to comment on this, thirty years later, he replied, “Well, there’s only one thing to say to them. You don’t have much choice.”

 

Salem in 1692 was in turmoil. The Royal Charter had been revoked. Original land titles had been canceled and others not yet secured. Neighbor accordingly looked on neighbor with some suspicion, for fear that land might be reassigned. It was also a community riven with schisms, which centered on the person of the Reverend Parris, whose materialism and self-concern were more than many could stomach, including a landowner and inn-keeper called John Proctor.

Miller observed in his notebook, “It is Shakespearean. Parties and counter-parties. There must be a counter-party. Proctor and others.” John Proctor quickly emerged as the center of the story Miller wished to tell, though not of the trials, where he was one among many. But to Miller, as he wrote in the notebook, “It has got to be basically Proctor’s story. The important thing-the process whereby a man, feeling guilt for A, sees himself as guilty of B and thus belies himself,—accommodates his credo to believe in what he knows is not true.” Before this could become a tragedy for the community it had to be a tragedy for an individual : “A difficulty. This hanging must be ‘tragic‘-i.e. must [be] result of an opportunity not grasped when it should have been, due to ‘flaw.’ ”

That flaw, as so often in Miller’s work, was to be sexual, not least because there seemed a sexual flavor to the language of those who confessed to possession by the devil and who were accused of dancing naked in a community in which both dancing and nakedness were themselves seen as signs of corruption. But that hardly seemed possible when Abigail Williams and John Proctor, who were to become the central characters in Miller’s drama, were eleven and sixty, respectively. Accordingly, at Miller’s bidding she becomes seventeen and he thirty-five, and so they begin to move toward each other, the gap narrowing until a sexual flame is lit. Elizabeth Proctor, who had managed an inn, now becomes a solitary farmer’s wife, cut off from communion not only with her errant husband, who has strayed from her side, but also in some degree from the society of Salem.

Other changes are made. Giles Corey, a cantankerous old man who carelessly damns his wife by commenting on her fondness for books, was killed, pressed to death by stones, on September 19, 1692, a month after Proctor’s death. Miller brings that death forward so that it can prove exemplary. By the same token John Hale’s growing conversion to skepticism did not come to its climax with Proctor’s death, but only later, when his own wife was accused. The event is advanced in order to keep Proctor as the focus. At the same time the playwright resisted an aspect of the story that would have damaged the parallel to fifties America, though it would have struck a chord with people in many other countries who were later to seize on The Crucible as an account of their own situation. For the fact is that John Proctor’s son was tortured. Proctor wrote in a petition, “My son William Proctor, when he was examin’d, because he would not confess that he was Guilty, when he was Innocent, they tied him Neck and Heels till the Blood gushed out of his Nose.” The effect on the play of including this detail would have been to transform Proctor’s motivation and diminish the significance of the sexual guilt that disables him.

Historically, John Proctor did not immediately intervene on learning of the trials and does not do so in the play. The historical account offers no explanation. In the notebooks Miller searched for one: “Proctor—guilt stays his hand (against what action?).” The guilt derives from his adultery; the action becomes his decision to expose Abigail.

In his original plan Miller toyed with making Proctor a leader of the anti-Parris faction, who backtracks on that role and equivocates in his dealings with Hale. He toyed, too, with the notion that Proctor should half wish his wife dead. He abandoned both ideas. If Proctor emerges as a leader, it is inadvertently as he fights to defend the wife he has wronged and whose life he has placed in jeopardy because of his affair with Abigail.

What is at stake in The Crucible is the survival of Salem-which is to say, the survival of a sense of community. On a literal level the village ceased to operate. The trials took precedence over all other activities. They took the farmer from his field and his wife from the milk shed. In the screenplay for the film version Miller has the camera observe the depredations of the countryside: unharvested crops, untended animals, houses in disrepair. But, more fundamentally than this, Miller is concerned with the breaking of the social contract that binds a community together, as love and mutual respect bind individuals. What took him to Salem was not, finally, an obsession with McCarthyism nor even a concern with a bizarre and, at the time, obscure historical incident, but a fascination with “the most common experience of humanity, the shifts of interest that turned loving husbands and wives into stony enemies, loving parents into indifferent supervisors or even exploiters of their children ... what they called the breaking of charity with one another.” There was evidence for all of these in seventeenth-century Salem but, as Miller implies, the breaking of charity was scarcely restricted to a small New England settlement in a time distant from our own. For him the parallel between Salem in 1692 and America in 1953 was clear:

People were being torn apart, their loyalty to one another crushed and ... common human decency was going down the drain. It’s indescribable, really, because you’d get the feeling that nothing was going to be sacred anymore. The situations were so exact it was quite amazing. The ritual was the same. What they were demanding of Proctor was that he expose this conspiracy of witches whose aim was to bring down the rule of the Church, of Christianity. If he gave them a couple of names he could go home. And if he didn’t he was going to hang for it. It was quite the same excepting we weren’t hanged, but the ritual was exactly the same. You told them anyone you knew had been a left-winger or a Communist and you went home. But I wasn’t going to do that.

Neither was John Proctor.

One dictionary definition of a crucible is a place of extreme heat, “a severe test.” John Proctor and the others summoned before the court in Salem discovered the meaning of that. Yet such tests, less formal, less judicial, less public, are the small change of daily life. Betrayal, denial, rash judgment, self-justification are remote neither in time nor place.

The Crucible, then, is not finally concerned with reanimating history or even merely with implying contemporary analogies for past crimes. It is Arthur Miller’s most frequently produced play not, I think, because it addresses affairs of state nor even because it offers us the tragic sight of a man who dies to save his conception of himself and the world, but because audiences understand all too well that the breaking of charity is no less a truth of their own lives than it is an account of historical process.

There is, thus, more than one mystery here. Beyond the question of witchcraft lies the more fundamental question of human nature, for which betrayal seems an ever-present possibility. The Crucible reminds us how fragile is our grasp on those shared values that are the foundation of any society. It is a play written not only at a time when America seemed to sanction the abandonment of the normal decencies and legalities of civilized life but in the shadow of a still greater darkness, for Miller has acknowledged that the fact of the Holocaust was in his mind, as it had been in the mind of Marion Starkey.

What replaces the sense of natural community in The Crucible, as perhaps in Nazi Germany and, on a different scale, 1950s America, is a sense of participating in a ritual, of conformity to a ruling orthodoxy and hence a hostility to those who threaten it. The purity of one’s religious principles is confirmed by collaborating, at least by proxy, in the punishment of those who reject them. Racial identity is reinforced by eliminating those who might “contaminate” it, as one’s Americanness is underscored by identifying those who could be said to be un-American. In the film version of his play, Miller, free now to expand and deepen the social context of the drama, chose to emphasize the illusory sense of community: “The CROWD’s urging rises to angry crescendo. HANGMAN pulls a crude lever and the trap drops and the two fall. THE CROWD is delirious with joyful, gratifying unity.”

Alexis de Tocqueville identified the pressure toward conformity even in the early years of the Republic. It was a pressure acknowledged equally by Hawthorne, Melville, Emerson, and Thoreau. When Sinclair Lewis’s Babbitt abandons his momentary rebellion to return to his conformist society, he is described as being “almost tearful with joy.” Miller’s alarm, then, is not his alone, nor is his sense of the potentially tyrannical power of shared myths that appear to offer absolution to those who accept them. If his faith in individual conscience as a corrective is also not unique, it is, perhaps, harder to sustain in the second half of a century that has seen collective myths exercising a coercive power, in America and Europe.

Most helpful customer reviews

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
I highly recommend this excellent work by Mr
By Ronald D. Johnson
The Crucible by Arthur Miller is a very well written account of the Salem Witch Trials and provides an incredible portrait of the complexities of the human soul. It's hard to believe that people allowed this travesty to occur. Are there people today who would fall into this type of situation? Absolutely.
That is what is so scary about the Salem Witch Hunt. We must continue to remember this event in order to make sure it doesn't happen again.

I highly recommend this excellent work by Mr. Miller.

4 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
A great read of the play by professionals
By doc peterson
The L.A. Theatre Works' rendition of Miller's _The Crucible_ is an excellent demonstration of the actor's craft, as the tenor, pitch and emotive power of the play bring the characters to life. On the recommendation of Amazon reviewers, I used this for my English class (in addition to the Daniel Day-Lewis / Winona Rider DVD and a class read-around) to get a feel for the play and the various theatrical interpretations of the work.

As a previous reviewer noted, there are some differences between the audio version and Miller's script, but they are minor, and if one is not using the entire CD, a moot point. The performances are fantastic, and, as others have mentioned, it certainly gives life to the written word. Outside of a classroom, I couldn't recommend it, but as a teaching tool, it is first-rate.

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Classic story
By charity james
This is a classic American play about the Salem witch trials. It is well written and provides insight into the time and how young ill-behaved girls can affect their society

See all 561 customer reviews...

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Turns of Event: Nineteenth-Century American Literary Studies in MotionFrom University of Pennsylvania Press

American literary studies has undergone a series of field redefinitions over the past two decades that have been consistently described as "turns," whether transnational, hemispheric, postnational, spatial, temporal, postsecular, aesthetic, or affective. In Turns of Event, Hester Blum and a splendid roster of contributors explore the conditions that have produced such movements. Offering an overview of the state of the study of nineteenth-century American literature, Blum contends that the field's propensity to turn, to reinvent itself constantly without dissolution, is one of its greatest strengths.

The essays in the volume's first half, "Provocations," trace the theoretical and methodological development and institutional emergence of certain turns, as well as providing calls to arms. The geopolitically oriented turns toward the transnational, hemispheric, and oceanic (whether Atlantic, Caribbean, Pacific, or archipelagic in focus) have held a certain prevalence in American studies in recent years, and the second half of this volume presents a series of scholarly essays that exemplify these subfields.

Taken together, these essays survey the field of American literary studies as it moves beyond new historicism as its primary methodology and evolves in light of ideological, conceptual, and material considerations. There is much at stake in these movements: the consequences and opportunities range from citational and evidentiary practices to canon expansion, resource allocation, and institutional futurity.

Contributors: Monique Allewaert, Ralph Bauer, Hester Blum, Martin Brückner, Michelle Burnham, Christopher Castiglia, Sean X. Goudie, Meredith L. McGill, Geoffrey Sanborn.

  • Sales Rank: #1998144 in Books
  • Published on: 2016-03-04
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: .60" h x 6.00" w x 8.90" l,
  • Binding: Paperback
  • 224 pages

Review

"Turns of Event mounts a stupendously thoughtful engagement with the current state of American literary studies. The essays are individual gems—each one stands well on its own and plays nicely within the larger collection. Gathering scholars who are leaders in the field and who speak to their subjects in impressively clear prose, this volume will be of tremendous use to scholars and students."—Dana Nelson, Vanderbilt University

About the Author
Hester Blum is Associate Professor of English at the Pennsylvania State University.

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Kamis, 19 Juni 2014

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Law, Language, and Empire in the Roman Tradition (Empire and After), by Clifford Ando

The Romans depicted the civil law as a body of rules crafted through communal deliberation for the purpose of self-government. Yet, as Clifford Ando demonstrates in Law, Language, and Empire in the Roman Tradition, the civil law was also an instrument of empire: many of its most characteristic features developed in response to the challenges posed when the legal system of Rome was deployed to embrace, incorporate, and govern people and cultures far afield.

Ando studies the processes through which lawyers at Rome grappled with the legal pluralism resulting from imperial conquests. He focuses primarily on the tools—most prominently analogy and fiction—used to extend the system and enable it to regulate the lives of persons far from the minds of the original legislators, and he traces the central place that philosophy of language came to occupy in Roman legal thought.

In the second part of the book Ando examines the relationship between civil, public, and international law. Despite the prominence accorded public and international law in legal theory, it was civil law that provided conceptual resources to those other fields in the Roman tradition. Ultimately it was the civil law's implication in systems of domination outside its own narrow sphere that opened the door to its own subversion. When political turmoil at Rome upended the institutions of political and legislative authority and effectively ended Roman democracy, the concepts and language that the civil law supplied to the project of Republican empire saw their meanings transformed. As a result, forms of domination once exercised by Romans over others were inscribed in the workings of law at Rome, henceforth to be exercised by the Romans over themselves.

  • Sales Rank: #2888519 in Books
  • Brand: Brand: University of Pennsylvania Press
  • Published on: 2011-09-14
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.10" h x .90" w x 6.00" l, .85 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 184 pages
Features
  • Used Book in Good Condition

Review

"A set of stimulating thought-pieces on five distinct but connected preoccupations concerning ancient civil and international law, legal culture, and later readings of the Roman legal tradition. . . . As an attempt to break free of the conventional parameters of discourse on law in antiquity, the book has much to recommend it."—American Historical Review

About the Author
Clifford Ando is Professor of Classics, History, and Law at the University of Chicago and Research Fellow in the Department of Classics and World Languages at the University of South Africa He is author of Imperial Ideology and Provincial Loyalty in the Roman Empire and The Matter of the Gods.

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0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Law as a Tool of Empire
By A. A. Nofi
A summary of the review on StrategyPage.Com:

'Observing that the Romans perceived civil law as systematizing individual relationships, Prof. Ando (Chicago) notes that it was also a tool of empire. He then examines how Roman civil law evolved to handle a “pluralistic” empire, which, from its beginnings in the third century BC included not just Roman citizens but persons with partial citizenship, such as freedmen or those with “Latin” rights, as well as non-citizen subjects, a situation that persisted until AD 212, when Caracalla granted full citizenship to virtually all free persons in the Empire. Ando opens with two chapters discussing how Roman legal experts juggled the complexities of “legal pluralism,” largely by defining often equally complex legal work-arounds. The next three chapters in turn examine civil, public, and “international” law, and the law of war, in the Roman tradition. This book will be of value to those interested in how the Empire was governed or in the Roman perception of the law of war'

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^^ Ebook Download Main Street (Signet Classics (Pb)), by Sinclair Lewis

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Main Street (Signet Classics (Pb)), by Sinclair Lewis

Unlike some other reproductions of classic texts (1) We have not used OCR(Optical Character Recognition), as this leads to bad quality books with introduced typos. (2) In books where there are images such as portraits, maps, sketches etc We have endeavoured to keep the quality of these images, so they represent accurately the original artefact. Although occasionally there may be certain imperfections with these old texts, we feel they deserve to be made available for future generations to enjoy.

  • Sales Rank: #8532288 in Books
  • Published on: 1998-06-01
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: .0" h x .0" w x .0" l, .0 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover

From the Inside Flap
This classic by Sinclair Lewis shattered the sentimental American myth of happy small-town life with its satire. "Main Street attacks the conformity and dullness of early 20th Century midwestern village life in the story of Carol Milford, the city girl who marries the town doctor. Her efforts to bring culture to the prairie village are met by a wall of gossip, greed, and petty small-minded bigotry. Lewis's complex and compelling work established him as an important character in American literature.

About the Author

Nobel Prize-winning writer Sinclair Lewis (1885-1951) is best known for novels like Main Street, Babbitt, Arrowsmith (for which he was awarded but declined the Pulitzer Prize), and Elmer Gantry. A writer from his youth, Lewis wrote for and edited the Yale Literary Magazine while a student, and started his literary career writing popular stories for magazines and selling plots to other writers like Jack London. Lewis s talent for description and creating unique characters won him the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1930, making him the first American writer to win the prestigious award. Considered to be one of the greats of American literature, Lewis was honoured with a Great Americans series postage stamp, and his work has been adapted for both stage and screen.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
From Brooke Allen’s Introduction to Main Street

Main Street is very, very American, but it is not purely American. Shaw, in his characteristically flippant manner, spoke the truth when he said that Lewis’s criticisms applied to other nations as well, but that Americans clung to the idea that they were unique in their faults (Literary Digest, December 6, 1930); the British novelist John Galsworthy remarked, truly, that “Every country, of course, has its Main Streets” (Lewis, From Main Street to Stockholm: Letters of Sinclair Lewis, 1919–1930). Still, a disdain for intellect (or for what we nowadays prefer to denigrate as elitism) has been particularly marked in America, perhaps because of our commitment, stated if not practiced, to egalitarian democracy: On Main Street, Lewis writes, “to be ‘intellectual’ or ‘artistic’ or, in their own word, to be ‘highbrow,’ is to be priggish and of dubious virtue.”

More than eighty years after Lewis’s novel this is true, and it is true not only on Main Street but on Wall Street as well, and on Park Avenue, and on Pennsylvania Avenue. This is what makes Main Street such a stunning achievement: While it succeeds in being “contemporary history,” capturing a particular place at a particular moment in time, it also speaks for our own time; it is remarkable how much of Main Street is still pertinent. Gopher Prairie at war is not so very unlike our own flag-waving “war on terrorism.” Will Kennicott’s breezy dismissal of legal procedure—“Whenever it comes right down to a question of defending Americanism and our constitutional rights, it’s justifiable to set aside ordinary procedure”—can be read on almost any editorial page today. Gopher Prairie’s commercial ethos of material “progress” at the expense of every other variety, an idea Lewis would expand and crystallize in Babbitt, has been refined rather than improved in our own era of no-collar workers who meditate or practice yoga before closing the Big Deal rather than smoking cigars and guzzling alcohol.

Lewis, unlike so many of his contemporaries, was never tempted to look for an answer in political dogma: He hated dictatorships and had no particular faith in the virtue or good judgment of “the people.” All he really believed in was the wavering, imperfect liberal spirit: “Even if Com[munism] & Fax[cism] or both cover the world, Liberal[ism] must go on, seeming futile, preserving civilization,” he wrote in his notes for It Can’t Happen Here (quoted in Lingeman).

An atheist with no political illusions, two failed marriages, an unconquerable addiction to alcohol, and a moribund talent might be thought to have had every reason to give up in despair. Lewis, to his undying credit, did not. “It is a completely revelatory American tragedy,” he said in his Nobel Prize speech, “that in our land of freedom, men like [Hamlin] Garland, who first blast the roads to freedom, become themselves the most bound.” This has been true of many; it was never true of Lewis. Like Carol Kennicott, he was still reaching—though generally failing to grasp—right up to the end. His particular type of sociological fiction had gone out of fashion at the time of his death, and he continued to be undervalued for decades afterward. But in recent years we have returned to an appreciation for what he accomplished artistically. For what he was able to tell us about American life, in his day and in ours, we can only be grateful.

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0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Still Relevant Classic
By Zipporah
Rereading this classic after many years has shown me how relevant this story still is though the narrow minded and fearful small town people live in all kinds of places now, but even after all these years Lewis" description of the kind of thinking that leads to extreme fear and conservatism is totally relevant. Worth reading if you have come up against small minded and bigoted people. Lewis description of their mental processes is very insightful. In addition it is just a good story and a well written classic novel. Be sure to get an unabridged edition. I noticed the ones on Kindle had different numbers of pages....from over 200 pages to over 400 pages. I got the longest version thinking it would be the most accurate to the original and though I have no basis for comparison, I believe it is the entire original version. Very interesting and entertaining classic with a strong intellect behind it. Lewis holds up well.

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Gopher Prairie Absorbs the irritating Carol Kennicott
By T. Patrick Killough
By 1880 fictional Gopher Prairie was no longer a raw, Minnesota frontier community. After the Civil War its social equilibrium was provided by an older aristocracy of stern Puritan immigrants from New England: four men of respected professions, "medicine, law, religion, and finance." But by 1910 or thereabouts, the Gopher Prairie of Sinciair Lewis's 1920 novel MAIN STREET (and the surrounding countryside which ithe town was meant to serve) had become an ethnic melting pot and mere merchants and land speculators were growing rich and challenging old standards of social respectability.

Lewis's MAIN STREET is about a newly volatile mix of small-town people groping toward a constructive social equilibrium for Gopher Prairie. Their search is best illustrated in four characters: Carol Milford Kennicott, her schoolteacher friend and critic Vida Sherwin Wutherspoon, Carol's husband Dr Will Kennicott and his best friend and social inferior, merchant Sam Clark.

Melting-pot Gopher Prairie is severely challenged by its latest arrival, idealistic, impatient, impractical Carol Kennicott (nee Milford). All its "denizens" (Carol's word) seem called to resist her pretense to be an insistent sun of the Minnesota prairies cultural solar system. She wills Gopher Prairie to become as beautiful and refined as Mankato, Minnesota where she grew up. She exhorts individuals and organizations to achieve her vision of an Athens of the Prairies. Carol puts on a play. She befriends social misfits. She by turns enchants and baffles her steady, plodding husband, Will Kennicott, M.D. She imagines her town infected by a Village Virus which spreads mediocrity. Slowly, however, impulsive, idealistic Carol accepts the importance of timing in the art of reform and is tamed downward to a feasible level of action. Vida Sherwin proves the wisdom of settling for just one new school if and when transformation of the entire town becomes too much. Gopher Prairie is thus made hospitable to both a wiser, priority-setting Carol and to Vida, as once long ago Biblical Bethany had worked for Jesus's friends, the very different sisters Mary and Martha.

Venerable survivors of Gopher Prairie's old New England transplanted aristocracy accept the professional credentials of Will Kennicott and the town's other doctors. But they remain conditioned to regard Will's best friend Sam Clark and other merchants as undignified social upstarts. Why does Dr Kennicott hunt ducks and play bridge with the likes of Clark, self-described "dealer in hardware, sporting goods, cream separators and almost every kind of heavy junk you can think of" (Ch. III)? And why does Kennicott decline to go lower socially? Why, for instance, shoot ducks with his tailor, but not with his barber?

Will Kennicott is a good-hearted, tunnel-visioned, work absorbed "plugger." Will and Sam are as close as David and Jonathan. It is Sam who drives the newly weds from the train station to their home in his pre World War One automobile. Sam Clark and his wife are the first denizens to entertain the Kennicotts at home. Indeed, the unimpressive Clark house is ever before Dr Kennicott's imagination as the model for his own future dream home. Carol resents tobacco-spitting Sam and other poker-playing friends of Will and perhaps subconsciously blames Sam for making her professional-level husband feel comfortable bathing only once a week, shaving thrice, not shining his shoes and letting his clothes become rumpled. Neither Sam nor Will is a big reader, though they admire one-time St Paul librarian Carol for her bibliophilia.

Towards novel's end Carol has made it clear to her husband that: "You have a right to me if you can keep me. Can you?" (Ch. XXXVI). Will then makes a quiet effort to improve himself and wins her back. For his part, faithful Sam keeps on accepting his friend's judgmental, demanding wife. A new equilibrium is created in Gopher Prairie. But Carol Kennicott foresees for her baby daughter a new world as far into the future as the year 2000. "She may see aeroplanes going to Mars." She will meanwhile be "a bomb to blow up smugness" (Ch. XXXIX). But for the moment the "Tories" of Gopher Prairie settle gratefully for a calmer Carol and resume straightening their collars, hanging their storm-windows and looking for misplaced screwdrivers.

-OOO-

0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Gest Literature but not a Fun Read!
By Ping Bull
A great classic that is hard to read and even harder to finish. I didn't enjoy this book nor do I think that most people will. But it stays with you after it's finished unfortunately. It's easy to understand why Sinclair Lewis had such a bad end.

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Rabu, 18 Juni 2014

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What do we know about early modern sex? And how do we know it? How, when, and why does sex become history? In Thinking Sex with the Early Moderns, Valerie Traub addresses these questions and, in doing so, reorients the ways in which historians and literary critics, feminists and queer theorists approach sexuality and its history. Her answers offer interdisciplinary strategies for confronting the difficulties of making sexual knowledge.

Based on the premise that producing sexual knowledge is difficult because sex itself is often inscrutable, Thinking Sex with the Early Moderns leverages the notions of opacity and impasse to explore barriers to knowledge about sex in the past. Traub argues that the obstacles in making sexual history can illuminate the difficulty of knowing sexuality. She also argues that these impediments themselves can be adopted as a guiding principle of historiography: sex may be good to think with, not because it permits us access but because it doesn't.

  • Sales Rank: #1595521 in Books
  • Published on: 2015-09-01
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.10" h x 1.40" w x 6.10" l, .0 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 480 pages

Review

"In this intricately argued and pathbreaking study Valerie Traub moves deftly between sexual cultures in the past and present to pose new questions about the making of sexual knowledge. Each chapter of this book brims with a critical flair that will exhilarate and persuade."—Laura Doan, author of Disturbing Practices: History, Sexuality, and Women's Experience of Modern War



"Valerie Traub's brilliant book 'thinks sex' at once with the early moderns and with the late postmoderns—ourselves. Taking on the field's toughest conundrums, from the challenges of queer temporality to the imperatives of lesbian visibility, Thinking Sex charts exciting new terrain at the critical intersection of theory and history. This is both vintage Traub and Traub at the height of her powers, a milestone in queer, feminist, and early modern studies alike."—Susan S. Lanser, author of The Sexuality of History



"A queer feminist meditation on what it might mean to know sex historically, Thinking Sex with the Early Moderns is also demandingly contemporary. Bending an impressive weight of interdisciplinary scholarship to sometimes counterintuitive ends, Traub demonstrates the difficult necessity of engaging conceptual impasses about sexual epistemologies and methodologies without presuming to work through them. As her readers have come to expect, she is both rigorous and subtle, her line of thought often working fiercely against the force of ingrained historical, literary critical and queer theoretical habits. One of this book's greatest accomplishments is its production of sexual knowledge as a less assured, more precarious thing than it is commonly thought."—Annamarie Jagose, author of Orgasmology



"Valerie Traub pointedly argues the ongoing urgency of gender as a relevant, even primal, category in the making of knowledge—sexual, historical, or otherwise. Traub is especially well-situated to make this case, given her extraordinary record of achievement unearthing the historical terms of sexual imagination and existence in the English Renaissance and beyond. A must read for scholars working on the history of sexuality, from early modern to more contemporary domains."—Laurie Shannon, Northwestern University



"Thinking Sex with the Early Moderns is a brilliant, original, and substantial take on queer studies that corrects misinterpretations within the field and integrates gender and lesbian issues into queer studies. Valerie Traub possesses an amazing command of the critical literature and historiography of the early modern period and queer studies, and brings a fresh and insightful perspective to widely known works such as Shakespeare's sonnets as well as more obscure sources."—Anna Clark, University of Minnesota

About the Author
Valerie Traub is Frederick G. L. Huetwell Professor of English and Women's Studies at the University of Michigan. She is the author of The Renaissance of Lesbianism in Early Modern England and Desire and Anxiety: Circulations of Sexuality in Shakespearean Drama.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Preface

This book was written during a particular moment in U.S. cultural and political history—after the initial efflorescence of academic gay/lesbian/queer studies and during a socially conservative and sex-negative political backlash that extended from the media and medicine to schools and the arts. This was a time of severe social and discursive contradiction around sex, with sex phobia contending in equal measure with the sex saturation of a celebrity-obsessed culture. It began—although I did not know it at the time—in conversations with Mark Schoenfield at Vanderbilt University, who gamely agreed to read all of Shakespeare's sonnets with me. A turning point came when Julie Crawford suggested that an early version of "The Joys of Martha Joyless" allegorized my own scholarly and pedagogical career. Its overall design began to coalesce during the Bush II era (2001-2009), a period characterized by governmental disavowals of the existence of anything other than reproductive marital sexuality, contributing to persistent underfunding of research into and prevention programs for HIV/AIDS and to abstinence-only policies of so-called sex education. Over the first decade of the new millennium, politicians in the United States were relieved of office for seeking out sex workers, panics about pedophilia moved from the schools into the Catholic Church to the football locker room, the feminist critique of sexual harassment was co-opted to prohibit most consensual sexual conduct within the workplace and schools, and teenagers increasingly were incarcerated for engaging in consensual erotic acts that their parents' generation performed with impunity. Across the globe political conflicts intensified over homosexual civil rights, the treatment of sex workers, HIV transmission, and women's and girls' access to sexual information and health care. Women were stoned to death for adultery and men executed for sodomy. The right to sexual and other forms of education was exploited by the U.S. government to justify the geopolitical incursions of the post-9/11 security state. The book was finished as President Obama struggled to address the crises that arose out of Bush neglect—of infrastructure, of ethical and financial oversight, of education—in ways that could only disappoint a feminist and queer Left, even as the more mainstream demands of gay organizing began to bear fruit in local, state, and national polices on gays and lesbians in the military, civil unions, and marriage equality. Contradictions were everywhere: the same year that the governor in the state in which I live signed legislation barring health-care benefits to domestic partners of public employees, National Public Radio declared it a "good year to be gay." I finished revising the manuscript while we await the Supreme Court decision on marriage rights; having first married my partner in 1986 and made it legal in my natal state of California in 2014, I am cautiously hopeful that she and I will gain access to each other's Social Security benefits before I retire. But who knows?

Sex, needless to say, has been much on my mind.

My ideas began to cohere into something like an "argument" during the six years I chaired the Women's Studies Department at the University of Michigan. One of the oldest and best resourced of such departments in the United States, composed in equal parts of humanists and social scientists in addition to several medical practitioners, this vibrant, collegial, and contentious community honed my understanding of interdisciplinarity—what it is, what makes it possible, what its limits are. Whereas I had long considered myself to be an interdisciplinary scholar, I quickly found that providing leadership to a group composed of scholars with such different perspectives and expertise required not only attentive listening but risky acts of mediation. Much of what I discovered about my colleagues in the social science and medical fields countered humanists' stereotypes of them. For one thing, they were more adept at integrating feminist and queer theory (as developed in the humanities) into their research and teaching than humanists are at integrating social science research, and their training in different methodologies made them routinely self-reflexive about the stakes of their research design. I was especially intrigued to find that they, too, are pursuing sexuality as a form of difficult knowledge. (Not that I was entirely won over; they remain tireless in lampooning the limitations of humanists, most especially our obscurantist "jargon" and our demonstrated inability to intuit the meaning of information presented on x/y axes.)

During this time, and with the help of some amazing faculty and office staff, I strove to institutionalize LGBTQ/Sexuality Studies through a variety of programmatic means, including developing a stable of undergraduate courses, devising an LGBTQ/Sexuality Studies graduate certificate, and harnessing the energies of queer faculty across campus to teach sexuality courses under the institutional umbrella of Women's Studies. My experience of the possibilities for and pitfalls of institutional change comprises a biographical substrate of the pages that follow. Another exhilarating and ambivalent effort involved collaborating with colleagues in Women's Studies and History to develop and coteach a large undergraduate lecture course on the history of sexuality. That we attempted to forgo chronology and sexual identity as organizing rubrics was as utopian as our "global" spatial-temporal design, which mandated that we "cover" much of the world through most of recorded time. My own pedagogical failures in that endeavor were as serendipitous to my thinking as were invitations to organize a conference on the topic of "gay shame" and respond in print to queer scholarship situated in the fields of comparative literature and Islamic studies. Each of these collaborations, for different reasons, pushed my thinking beyond the bounds of my expertise and comfort zone.

Indeed, a variety of affective investments have punctuated this undertaking, including alienation and anger. But these negative affects have been leavened by the intense joy sometimes experienced in my teaching, in conversations with colleagues, and in the course of engaging with a host of talented graduate students. My debt to specific colleagues and friends is noted in my Acknowledgments. Here I want to flag for special thanks those students involved in a Women's Studies graduate course on making sexual knowledge. Through discussions about contemporary sex surveys, DSM (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual) controversies about diagnosing sexual pathologies, and SIECUS (Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States) position statements, my awareness that the frameworks through which we construct our research objects direct the questions that we ask was transformed into an organizing principle of my scholarship and teaching. Thinking in that course about the contemporary meanings of age of sexual consent laws, contemporary pornography, sex education, and discourses of sexual health deepened my appreciation of both the perennial quality of the symbolic functions of sex, as well as the import of its historical specificity. Our conversations clarified my understanding of the productive as well as constraining effects of academic disciplines while increasing my appreciation for both the pleasures and tripwires of interdisciplinary dialogue—including our different understandings of and investments in theory, history, methods, experience, and activism. At the same time, teaching students who are unaccustomed to thinking historically—or whose sense of the past is radically attenuated—reaffirmed my sense that a historical approach to sexual knowledge relations can usefully inform, nuance, and texture our approach to contemporary problems. The belief that understanding such processes of knowledge production in other times and other places might provide a conceptual framework for intervening in contemporary discourses of sex and sexuality underlies the pedagogical intent of what follows.

Post-Stonewall queer pedagogy typically has focused on whether or how to come out in the classroom. As someone who was, early in my career, forbidden by my (closeted gay male) department chair to come out to my students, I acknowledge the political import and personal significance of negotiating such everyday, banal acts of self-disclosure, which, as others have remarked, take the form of performative speech acts that require continual reiteration. Even within the supposedly queer-friendly academy today, coming out through word, implication, personal style, bodily acts, or reading assignments involves a delicate and sometimes stressful choreography of revelation and concealment, exposure and withholding, of strategizing across the boundaries of private and public for both students and teachers. Those teachers and students whose gender presentation, style, or comportment depart most radically from dominant norms no doubt dance to a somewhat different tune than those of us who could, if we so choose, pass as straight.

In its pedagogical investments, however, this book is interested less in the performance of sexual (or gender) identity than in the performance of sexual speech. Whether we come out in the classroom or pass, are straight or would like not to be, central to our pedagogical strategies is our felt experience when speaking sex. Like the performative act of coming out, candor in such speech involves a complex choreography of personal revelation and concealment of erotic interests and affiliations. Teaching sexually explicit materials involves not only deep contextualization, but forthrightness. Fellatio, cunnilingus, blow jobs, finger or fist fucking: whether couched in a high or low idiom, these words, or others like them, voiced in an academic setting (no matter whether during an undergraduate lecture, graduate seminar, conference panel, or keynote address), violate tacit assumptions about academic protocol and decorum. However progressive, feminist, or queer their views, many auditors and interlocutors react to what they perceive as a breach of etiquette, or to an imagined assault, or to the contagious quality of sexual shame. I have encountered widened eyes, downcast glances, deafening silence, and nervous as well as appreciative laughter.

It is within such contradictory contexts that my engagements with pedagogy, history, knowledge practices, and the relationship between feminist and queer modes of thinking, acting, and being have evolved. In gratitude for the opportunity to speak sex, to think sex, and to make sexual knowledge, I dedicate this book to my Michigan graduate students who, more than anyone else, have taught me what it means to teach.

Note on Spelling

I have mainly retained original spellings and punctuation in quotations from early modern texts except when quoting from modern editions. Given my hope that readers less familiar with early modern English will read this book, I have expanded contractions, distinguished i/j, u/v, and vv/w, and replaced long s for f. I also have translated typeface into modern roman type. All citations of the Oxford English Dictionary refer to the OED Online.

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>> Download PDF The Medieval Salento: Art and Identity in Southern Italy (The Middle Ages Series), by Linda Safran

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The Medieval Salento: Art and Identity in Southern Italy (The Middle Ages Series), by Linda Safran

Located in the heel of the Italian boot, the Salento region was home to a diverse population between the ninth and fifteenth centuries. Inhabitants spoke Latin, Greek, and various vernaculars, and their houses of worship served sizable congregations of Jews as well as Roman-rite and Orthodox Christians. Yet the Salentines of this period laid claim to a definable local identity that transcended linguistic and religious boundaries. The evidence of their collective culture is embedded in the traces they left behind: wall paintings and inscriptions, graffiti, carved ­­tombstone decorations, belt fittings from graves, and other artifacts reveal a wide range of religious, civic, and domestic practices that helped inhabitants construct and maintain personal, group, and regional identities.

The Medieval Salento allows the reader to explore the visual and material culture of a people using a database of over three hundred texts and images, indexed by site. Linda Safran draws from art history, archaeology, anthropology, and ethnohistory to reconstruct medieval Salentine customs of naming, language, appearance, and status. She pays particular attention to Jewish and nonelite residents, whose lives in southern Italy have historically received little scholarly attention. This extraordinarily detailed visual analysis reveals how ethnic and religious identities can remain distinct even as they mingle to become a regional culture.

  • Sales Rank: #1105149 in Books
  • Published on: 2014-03-21
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 10.10" h x 1.40" w x 7.10" l, 3.10 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 480 pages

Review

"An ambitious and truly interdisciplinary book that covers a particularly vast body of material with exemplary clarity and erudition. Linda Safran provides an enormously rich source to fill in a major lacuna in the scholarship of medieval Italy."—Nino Zchomelidse, Johns Hopkins University



"A richly detailed and illuminating examination of a little-studied region of medieval southern Italy. Safran's interdisciplinary approach pushes the boundaries of identity scholarship by relying in particular on art historical and anthropological methods."—Joanna Drell, University of Richmond

About the Author
Linda Safran is a Research Fellow at the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Toronto, and editor of the journal Gesta.

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